Gay friendship online

This is easy. But I think you can also find really cool people that will inspire you and help you out and stuff like that. His engagements online, however, are more sophisticated. He is trying to find a homosexual mode of life, where he can make connections with other gay men that go beyond the sexual components and that inspire each other to become better human beings. Seeing Adam4Adam. Lastly, Hugo also fell in line with Gabriel in his expression of how Adam4Adam. For Hugo, as illustrated, the pleasure on Adam4Adam. The way he uses the site is to meet people for non-sexual intentions.

Cruising, which is often seen as anonymous, ephemeral sex, has changed for certain gay men. Gay men can now use online cruising as a way to become gay — to express a homosexual mode of life.


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In Unlimited Intimacy, Tim Dean postulated that online cruising would diminish sexual encounters and experiences with strangers. However, as the above narratives show, some gay men are looking for contact — for connection — with the strangers that they meet on Adam4Adam. My informants use their identity of gay men to become gay — to find other men to have relations with. Sexual encounters like cruising, for Foucault , did not pose the same threat to the social order as building friendships do. My informants may in fact have the potentiality to shake up the social order.

Conclusion This digital era has brought new life experiments for gay men to creatively explore in order to build relations with other gay individuals. The gay men in this study have integrated Adam4Adam. Cruising for sex has historically allowed gay men to find similar others and to explore their sexual desires Lynch ; Reece and Dodge Now, these two realms - cruising and friendship - have merged together where gay men can cruise online for friendship and other meaningful connections.

The relational possibilities of the merging of these two arenas are yet to be seen, but clearly, gay men are using their identity and this online cruising space for forging different alliances in the 21st century. One challenge these gay men face is the heteronormative discourse that separates sex from friendship. Through utilizing this discourse, the gay men in this study could normalize their everyday practices of finding friendships and other connections within a sexual space, challenging the larger heteronormative social order.

These friendships that can be forged through online cruising should be recognized as a homosexual mode of a life — a space where men can become gay Foucault In having to Taylorize their intimate lives, gay men can integrate connecting with other gay men through Adam4Adam. Likewise, Adam4Adam.

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However, this expansion of the potential pool of people to meet is still limited online, especially if informants use Adam4Adam. How do filter systems limit the relational possibilities and the forging of alliances for gay men? How does the structure of Adam4Adam. And how is this website a microcosm of larger racial and gender structures of society? It is to these questions of exploring the limitations of meeting a diverse set of men on Adam4Adam.

Chapter 2 Endnotes 1 As explored in more detail in Chapter 2, of the profiles analyzed in this study, white and Latino men were almost twice as likely to use a face picture as their main profile picture compared to black men. Black men typically used body pictures as their main profile pictures on the website. Body type is usually athletic or muscular.

Later, when Koby and I were discussing how people could select to see these individual preferences on Adam4Adam. You can put in the parameters of what you want, and then, there you go. With the advent of access to the Internet, many scholars believed online spaces would allow for a utopian democratic world without any social inequalities see Chow- White Individuals online could be free from the constraints of the social structures of difference, where social categories like race and gender would be equalized or irrelevant.

However, the Internet is a product of power and culture, and therefore, social identities are evident within cyberspace Nakamura , Race and other social categories become employed online through both texts and images, commodifying identities for consumption and divorcing them from politics and oppression. In this chapter, I set out to uncover some of the forms of inequalities that exist on Adam4Adam. Here, I focus on race and the body — as these two characteristics were the most salient in the interviews with my informants.

Nonetheless, how is the structure of Adam4Adam. And what forms do racism and body discrimination take on in cyberspace? First, by analyzing the structure of Adam4Adam. In this study then, I empirically show how this website essentializes and collapses race into a simple drop-down menu category. In her book Black Sexual Politics, Patricia Hill Collins defines the new racism as historical ideologies about black sexualities being re-invented into new ideological forms in order to justify discrimination and social exclusion of people of color.

This new racism is transnational, based upon patterns of corporate organization that created a global economy, and it disseminated through mass media Collins Here, I will show how the Internet, as a form of mass media that is also globalized , creates a space to further manipulate ideas around people of color. Lastly, I turn to gay bodies in cyberspace. Ultimately, through utilizing a critical queer of color analysis Ferguson , I will highlight how the social exclusionary practices toward people of color and non-normative bodies on Adam4Adam. In this sense, these discriminatory practices may allow certain gay men to mitigate their subordinate position in society; however, they are giving into structures that further subjugate sexually marginalized people in the end.

I would look for white, Latino, or Middle Eastern men. Oh, I wanted somebody who was nearby but not next-door; so I would set my search to the region that I was in. In this section, I will first examine the structure of Adam4Adam. Revealing the structure of this website gives insight into how gay men are conceptualizing desirability in this digital era. When a user makes his profile on Adam4Adam. Salient characteristics such as ethnicity1, body size, age, height, and weight are required to be filled out from a drop-down menu, tacitly telling users that these demographics matter the most within this space if one wants to present their desirable self.

Through turning on this feature, users can select to see only men within a certain age range and of a particular race or races, along with location and having a picture. Height, weight, and body type are important as a user must disclose them to have a profile, but clearly, age and race are constructed as the two most important factors of desirability as these are the only two demographics that the space allows for one to filter2.

Race, along with age, becomes a social category and a filter that a user has access to by choosing from a simple drop-down menu. Race is further utilized through selecting only to see a certain race or races and people of a certain age on the website. The complexities of race and age are erased through these filtering processes, as this search function just reduces these categories to a simple term that one can just click away. So you should be at least open to the possibility of that happening. However, he feels that people should be open to the possibility of finding certain people within a race as desirable, even if people do not find that race, in general, to be attractive.

People can choose to only search for white bodies within dating and hookup cyberspaces, never having to view a non-white body online Robinson These spaces shape and regulate the intimate and sexual subjectivities of the users who inhabit these online spaces Raj However, with this new cybernetic racial exclusion, Robinson ponders how whiteness can be left as the stable norm.

For Holland , race has no meaning outside of racist practices, as today, race was and is given its meaning through discriminatory, differentiating, and often violent acts e. Therefore, the structure of Adam4Adam. In their content analysis of over profiles of men seeking men on the website Manhunt. Race and age must be made readily available for users to know since race and age are assigned meaning through these quotidian practices of managing intimate spaces and lives.

Race and age are named in order for erotic play to be organized according to the larger hegemonic structures of society. These neoliberal discourses rely upon these economic beliefs to further liberalism discourses that everyone is equal under the law, making discrimination like racism appear to not exist Holland However, since racism makes race as a category actually have meaning, racism is not removed from these intimate practices Fung ; Holland In this section, I explore how race becomes constructed as a personal preference for the gay men in this study.

This everyday racism is disseminated through the mass media of the Internet, and it marks a form of new racism see Collins I also turn to the literature on homophily — on how and why people often build relationships with similar others Lazarsfeld and Merton ; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook - to show how the desire for white gay men gets normalized as the superior racial preference for both people of color and white individuals within this space. Through illuminating how the structure of Adam4Adam.

Koby held a similar view, when he told me: However, I have been attracted to like half-black and then all the other races are fine. Both Acar and Koby found Asian and black men to be undesirable. As previous research has shown, black and Asian men typically are abjected to the lowest realms of erotic racial preferences - black individuals for being seen as hypersexual and Asian men for being seen as asexual Wilson et al. When race is marked, racism is present Holland In fact, race is marked very specifically. However, if one can mix blackness with another race, then these individuals can gain some erotic capital to become more desirable.

Black bodies are not seen as being heterogenous; they are all lumped into being non-desirable. Under racialized heteronormative discourses, black people are always sexually homogenized as being undesirable, where the heterogeneity of black people is erased Ferguson Here, where the relationship is not predicated on sex, space is opened up for black men to be seen as individual subjects with their own personalities. Through this commodification, sexual racism like race-specific sexual objectification and race-based sexual stereotyping occurs.

One may not be attracted to particular people of color because they are constructed through the lens of race-based sexual stereotypes. Through the everyday practice of using the search feature on this site — a search feature that is premised upon social inclusion and exclusion — users can erase and cleanse people of color through a simple click on the screen. This everyday practice of racial categorization and exclusion in online spaces is one of the ways in which the new racism operates within this digital media age. A brief, but telling, conversation unfolded between Tanner and me when we met.

His description of Adam4Adam and the people who use Adam4Adam in New York City reveals how racial stereotypes can often operate in the gay imagination of desire: You had to cross the river to often times visit the people on Adam4Adam. Manhunt [a paid subscription gay dating and hookup website] was more for the people in the city [Manhattan].

And Adam4Adam was really above th street; so like way up there or over in Brooklyn or even Queens. So it was just Manhunt was where you went for people in Manhattan who are white and not into weird kinky things - if that makes sense. And then Adam4adam was seen as? If you want to get fisted, you went on Adam4Adam, or if you had a Latino flair or something. There are more people of color on there?

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Race-based sexual stereotypes rely upon historical ideologies about bodies of color, especially around sexual roles and behaviors Robinson Through being fetishized and objectified within these spaces, black bodies are seen as being aggressive and having big penises; Asians are seen as sexually submissive and having small penises; and Latinos are seen as sensual and having uncut penises Wilson et al.

These stereotypes rely upon larger notions of black bodies being violent, Asian bodies as asexual, and Latin bodies as exotic.

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To avoid having to see or connect with people of color, one could pay to inhabit a website e. Nonetheless, Darryl does not like being contacted by black men, though they may only be contacting him because it is hard for black men, including Darryl himself, to make contact with non-black people on the website Robinson Although Cisco, as well as all of the other men in this study except for Tanner, are looking for friendship on Adam4Adam.

Although sexual fields are often based upon larger stratified social structures, the individual sexual sites have their own sexual schemas that erotic players must learn to play and navigate Green , In online sexual sites, the sexual field can often be defined through the content of online profiles, which give a sense of the erotic capital of the website Green Within the sexual field of Adam4Adam. The larger sexual field of desirability that ideologically constructs people of color as hyper-sexual or asexual Davis ; Smith ; Chong-suk demotes people of color to a lower ranking on the tier of desirability — online and offline.

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The structure of Adam4Adam. Basically, I love white boys and blondes in particular. Riley, who is a white gay man, continues this talk by mentioning how he did have sex with many men of color: And I basically did that while I was in college. And so I had sex with lots of different types of people and different types of men, and found that I was most comfortable where I started - with white boys. This ending up where Riley started engenders notions around homophily, dating, friendship, and attraction.

In their review of the literature on homophily, McPherson and colleagues found that residential proximity is the number one predictor of homophily. Although there may be a breakdown of environmental constraints in online spaces, offline effects of homophily can still affect online choices with whom to contact and connect Skopek, Schulz, and Blossfeld This finding is revealed in this study as well. The gay white men I interviewed, despite having access to meeting a variety of people on Adam4Adam.

Previous research on homophily and gay friendships and connections show a similar pattern of gay white men forming more intimate relationships with other gay white men Nardi ; Galupo This homophily is exacerbated online, where people can search for others who share homogamous traits through these online filtering systems. However, previous research has shown that same-sex couples are more likely to be in inter-racial relationships compared to heterosexual counterparts Schwartz and Graf ; Gates This thin dating market may be driving same-sex inter-racial coupling, where the Internet has allowed for the expansion of this market, in turn, allowing for gay individuals to be more selective in their dating criteria.

One of these new selection processes includes excluding people of color. As profile in Appendix M explicates: A racial preference becomes named and labeled along side of activity preferences, where one should share a similar interest and race. Several examples besides the above ones include: Sorry just my preference. Like guys…close to my age. Not into fats or fems! Like real men! These users do not desire a particular whiteness e. They must be young and masculine,3 but there are no stereotypes associated with white sexuality.

Just as marking non-white races as undesirable is normalized through quotidian racist practices of personal choice, so too is whiteness marked as desirable within a similar neoliberal logic. This neoliberal logic of desire works in tandem with ideas around homophily. On Adam4Adam. Here, homophilous discourses of sharing similar interest e. The website layout allows for whiteness to be placed at the top in the racialized sexual field of Adam4adam.

This racialized sexual field is then given life through users everyday interactions and practices on the website while they are searching for love, sex, friendship, a relationship, or something more. This naming and marking of whiteness was also discussed explicitly by some of my other informants. Hooking up, pretty much white or Hispanic - Latinos. In fact, race is one of the main selection criteria white users look for on dating websites — more important than education or religious preferences Feliciano, Robnett, and Komaie Latinos are the most included out-group by white online daters — a fact held true by the profiles analyzed and the comments of the informants in this study.

Both Tito and Cisco, as Latinos, and Darryl, as a black man, desire white men mostly. To value whiteness is to reify certain aspects of the heteronormative society that relies upon white sexuality being the proper norm. In this sense, the racialized discourses and exclusionary practices on Adam4Adam. The racialized sexual stratification that is being furthered through these discourses, as well as the structure of the website, need to be challenged in order for people of color to be seen as individuals and potential partners on dating and hookup websites.

Seeing people of color as individuals will not only challenge white supremacy but also its complementary power structure heteronormativity. I now turn to another form of social exclusion on Adam4Adam. Section 3. Within mainstream gay communities, the hegemonic norm of beauty has often been documented as being young4 and muscular Kaufman and Phua ; Lodge and Umberson For instance, in a quantitative study comparing gay men with heterosexual men, Tiggeman and colleagues found that gay men idealized thinner and more muscular bodies than straight men and that gay men experience lower self-esteem about their bodies compared to their heterosexual male counterparts.

Gay men are about as dissatisfied with their weight as heterosexual women Levesque and Vichesky In this section, I explore how the body is constructed and desired on Adam4Adam. I then reveal how this quantification of bodies leads to the discrimination of people with larger bodies on Adam4Adam. I suggest that dating and hookup websites such as Adam4Adam. Yea, but can you hug yourself? Again, to even make a profile on Adam4Adam. This requirement of disclosing these numbers before one can inhabit the space can alert to a user that these quantifiable characteristics are important components of assessing desirability on Adam4Adam.

Quantifying the body allows one to assess where one fits on the tiers of desirability within the sexual field of this website. Erotic capital can become aligned with specific numbers — one must be height and weight proportionate. Of course I liked men who were a little bit taller. One way discourses gain their legitimacy today is through the science of statistics and quantification. This quantification of sexual acts proliferated discourses on sexualities that sought to construct the norm as heterosexual monogamy while showing those deviating to be abnormal.

In fact, statistics and quantification measures were specifically and historically established to construct certain bodies as inferior i. This process happens through first naming what is different, which is often based upon larger hegemonic powers within society. According to Hughes Numbers, in and of themselves, proclaim objectivity.

One of the first things I look at is height and weight. This quantified way of viewing another profile allows users to make snap judgments about another user. And we just started talking from there. In previous studies, muscular and athletic body types are often seen as the most attractive Lanzieri and Hildebrandt ; Varangis et al. This fact holds true in the sexual field of Adam4Adam. Acar and Koby mainly talk to people who possess these types of bodily physiques. Koby may never have met his good friend from Adam4Adam. It was only through having this body that Koby contacted this gay man, and Koby even started the conversation through complimenting this other man on his body.

Under the quantifiable-body discourse, gay masculinities rely on a body that has to be disciplined, controlled, and desired. For example, in building a profile, one must select a body type to inhabit the space. These body type drop-down menu choices are: This drop-down menu alone tells a user that the sexual field of Adam4Adam.

Men who occupy Adam4Adam. From there, they desire the athletic and muscular bodies that are attributed high erotic capital within this space. These men also discipline their own bodies to fit the mold of this discourse as well, as muscular, masculine bodies help one construct a gay identity.

However, who gets rendered as abject from this quantifiable-body discourse and these limited qualitative descriptors that are found on Adam4Adam. In a telling turn of reflexivity, Riley continued: I mean, I was talking to my friends, and I posed the question to a group of my friends: Like what do you think would get you treated worse by whom we're around - by our people? And I totally agreed with them.

But yea, I look for fit guys, and I try to at least be reasonably fit too. Likewise, as Whitesel Put down the taco. Sorry, that was slightly racist. I like that. This discourse though has a more noxious effect than just ignoring height-weight disproportionate profiles. This hierarchy of gay masculinities reifies the larger social norms that oppress all gay men though, as larger notions of hegemonic masculinity are upheld.

Conclusion Structures of inequality and sexual stratification limit erotic desire. The theories of the Internet being a utopia devoid of any social inequalities has been documented and challenged see Nakamura ; Chow-White ; Nakamura However, this study empirically shows how the structure of Adam4Adam. Robinson theorized that website filtering systems may limit who sees and contacts whom. In not even having to see bodies of color on the website, I suggest that sexual stratification is exacerbated, where whiteness gains even more erotic value through stripping black and Asian men of erotic capital in not even having to look at them or interact with them online.

While being online, a gay man browsing Adam4Adam. However, this choice is not independent of the larger structures that commodify non-white sexuality as abnormal Robinson ; Wilson et al. Historically, people of color, and especially black men, have been de-humanized and seen as hyper-sexual Collins This sexual construction of people of color mainly, black, Latinos and Asians is juxtaposed against white sexuality, which becomes the sexual hegemony or sexual supremacy: White gay men occupy the norm of desirability and has the most erotic capital on the website.

In the following analytical chapter I explore the role of HIV in regards to sexual stratification and desirability on Adam4Adam. How are gay men utilizing the website to discuss this issue as well as other sexual discussions?

And how do these discussions play out during actual intimate encounters? To these questions, I now turn. Chapter 3 Endnotes 1 Adam4Adam. Here, age and ethnicity are still demographics that can be filtered, along with other non-required demographic information such as HIV status, looking for, practice, sexual role, scene, and dick size. Although this research project set out to examine the website Adam4Adam. Therefore, the two must be understood as influencing one another Gudelunas However, of the demographics that all users are required to fill out, race and age are still the only two that can be filtered.

This fact may stem from the interviewees possibly reading me as effeminate, and therefore, my informants chose not to broach the topic. However, masculinity has also been documented as a hegemonic form of desirability in gay online communities see for example, Clarkson ; Lanzieri and Hildebrandt With age absent as a form of experiencing body discrimination for my gay informants, the issue of weight became the salient idea of how my informants discussed gay bodies. I actually have like an anxiety about it. Maybe a couple years I will be able to let go of, but yea, it was something that was always on my mind when I thought about having sex with someone.

These men did not experience a gay world and identity before this disease. Leonardo is not alone then when he expresses his anxiety about HIV when talking about his sexual practices with men. In this chapter, I seek to examine how the Internet has transformed and shaped ideas around HIV, sexual health, and risk. Most studies on sexual health, men who have sex with men, and the Internet have come from a quantitative, epidemiological background for a meta- analytical overview see, Liau, Millet, and Marks These studies often debate whether men who have sex with men and who meet online are more prone to engage in sexual risk taking than those men who meet in offline venues Bolding et al.

Although these studies are important and have been formative in the field of men seeking men online and their sexual health, I seek to understand the meaning of sexual health and how this meaning affects the behaviors in the lives of the self-identified gay men in this study. And how do these men negotiate their sexual desires and health within this larger context of managing risk around contracting HIV? To address these questions, I first examine the role of the danger discourse around HIV in how it is presented on Adam4Adam.

In drawing upon case studies of published work including his own published work about internet-mediated partnering, sexual health, and bio-technologies, Mark Davis shows how this responsibility creates the errant and the model gay citizens. In this first section then, I propose that this doing sexual responsibility, which is based upon larger discourses of sexual health, leads to gay men surveiling HIV positive individuals and those who do not do sexual responsibility appropriately.

Here, I show how my informants creatively utilize Adam4Adam. This addition of pleasure into these sexual negotiations can point to a way to interpersonally discuss sexuality outside of these larger discourses that always construct gay sexuality as dangerous. Through exposing the fissures within this danger discourse and doing sexual responsibility, I seek to open up new productive possibilities in re-thinking discourses around HIV, sexual health, sexual desire, and pleasure for gay men today. And lastly, I suggest that this doing sexual responsibility is predicated upon heteronormativity and disciplining gay bodies and intimacies.

Within this formulation of linking HIV to homosexual men, sexual responsibility becomes a way for gay men to move away from this stigmatizing discourse Keogh However, this sexual responsibility is still predicated upon larger heteronormativie discourses of monogamy and the unthreatening, uninfected gay male body Crimp In this sense, I contend that this doing sexual responsibility by gay men on Adam4Adam. For example, HIV positive individuals and promiscuous gay men are often used as scapegoats within gay communities as examples of irresponsible citizens, who are making it harder for other LGBT individuals to gain their rights in society Crimp ; Courtenay-Quirk In this section, I explore how these discourses around HIV are playing out in the lives of the gay men who use Adam4Adam.

I uncover how my users screen for HIV statutes in other users on the website and how the website infrastructure aids in this screening process. Lastly, I show what these discourses and practices mean for the stigmatization and marginalization of HIV positive individuals within their gay communities. Acar continued: At the end of the 3rd month, I saw his description, and I checked it online. He has been using these drugs for some years, and he is safe. But I got my status checked after that. Barry Adam , in his qualitative study of interviewing over men who recently had unprotected sex half of whom had sero-converted — had become HIV positive , shows that within these neoliberal times, sexual health gets constructed through the rhetoric and practices of individual responsibility see also, Davis However, this responsibility often falls upon HIV positive people, who are assumed to be the one who is to disclose their positive status Davis ; Adam This logic often backfires.

HIV negative men often assume the positive person will disclose, where HIV positive men will assume that HIV negative men will disclose or not engage in non-condom use unless they are also positive Adam ; Halperin And there is no information about that.

Its like the general, how do you say this, screening. For example, Adam4Adam. A user can also choose to not select any of these options and leave the field blank. This screening, as well, could be seen as a form of sero-sorting harm reduction.


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  6. Harm reduction is a pragmatic stance that realizes many people will engage in risky behaviors, and therefore, it explores how people can lessen the negative consequences for engaging in these behaviors Collins et al. I think mostly because we had complete profiles. He was HIV negative. He said he practiced safe sex. And I was like well those are two check marks for me - like good. There is now nothing standing in the way of me wanting to hookup with this person basically. So, I guess, I just had the understanding that one would be warned. It says safe sex only and whatever.

    But if it says safe sex only, I just assume that they'll use safe sex stuff. De Lore et al. In their interviews with 28 men- seeking-men from Craigslist. So you would never hookup with an HIV positive person? Probably not. Why would you not want to do that? I just keep it at a friendship level. Koby, a year old Asian massage therapist, only wants to meet HIV negative people.

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    Koby acknowledges that part of his wariness is because of his own lack of education around HIV. This statement reveals the larger structural issue of most people not receiving professionally informed knowledge about this virus. In not receiving this education, many people just rely on more readily-available discourses about HIV positive people being dangerous, a topic I explore in more in-depth below.

    Likewise, Koby tries to make this ignorance not seem as discriminatory by claiming that he has HIV positive friends; however, he does not want to meet HIV positive people on Adam4Adam. Nonetheless, Koby, like the other gay men trying to navigate sexual health on Adam4Adam. In this chapter, I use the concept of doing sexual responsibility to show how men on Adam4Adam.

    By doing sexual responsibility, gay men, through their interactions on Adam4Adam. In line with Race , I posit that Adam4Adam. This sociality then is altered through people doing sexual responsibility on the website. They often do not contact people who are positive or who engage in non-condom use. In this sense, being HIV negative and doing sexual responsibility help make men more desirable on Adam4Adam. One change to alleviate this problem was websites allowing the ability to leave the HIV prompt unanswered Race — the topic I now explore.

    He went on to say: I just feel like particularly for Adam4Adam, and much more so than the mobile apps, is they give you the opportunity to say a lot about you in a basic sense. You get the basics out of the way. In her book Not My Kid, Sinikka Elliot argues that the danger discourse around sexuality and adolescence constructs the sexual as risky and makes pleasure and desire seem almost unimaginable. Although all same-sex sexuality is often seen as immature, selfish, and irresponsible Lewin ; Moore , I suggest that disclosing an HIV negative status on Adam4Adam.

    An HIV negative disclosure status may compensate for some of the stigma associated with same-sex erotic exchanges. For Riley, people on Adam4Adam. I, too, have always had a fear of meeting gay men. Put me in a room full of women and I'll charm their pants off not literally, but you get the point.

    Surprisingly, I can even hang deep with the straight dudes. We can box, lift weights, get greasy working on cars, watch a college ball game. All I need is some wings and a beer and I'm in frat heaven. Now, place me in a room full of gays and I lock up like a transmission without fluid. I've thought about this extensively. What is it with me and the gay dudes?

    Then it hit me like a home run: My girls don't judge me, they encourage me well, except for that one hater. My straight guys are easy to get along with because all they talk about are girls which I know about since that's who I hang with and dumb straight boy stuff which I find mildly entertaining. But, the gays are the gays. A room full of 'mos is like a tank full of potential dates, husbands, and friends. Explore The World! Travel for Free! Have Fun! Join Us. Your Birthday. Moscow Moscow, Russia.

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